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Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy At Home And Abroad Hardcover – Mar 25 2003

4.2 out of 5 stars 76 customer reviews

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Product Details

  • Hardcover: 256 pages
  • Publisher: WW Norton (March 25 2003)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0393047644
  • ISBN-13: 978-0393047646
  • Product Dimensions: 16.5 x 2.5 x 24.4 cm
  • Shipping Weight: 431 g
  • Average Customer Review: 4.2 out of 5 stars 76 customer reviews
  • Amazon Bestsellers Rank: #424,825 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
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Product Description

From Publishers Weekly

Democracy is not inherently good, Zakaria (From Wealth to Power) tells us in his thought-provoking and timely second book. It works in some situations and not others, and needs strong limits to function properly. The editor of Newsweek International and former managing editor of Foreign Affairs takes us on a tour of democracy's deficiencies, beginning with the reminder that in 1933 Germans elected the Nazis. While most Western governments are both democratic and liberal-i.e., characterized by the rule of law, a separation of powers, and the protection of basic rights-the two don't necessarily go hand in hand. Zakaria praises countries like Singapore, Chile and Mexico for liberalizing their economies first and then their political systems, and compares them to other Third World countries "that proclaimed themselves democracies immediately after their independence, while they were poor and unstable, [but] became dictatorships within a decade." But Zakaria contends that something has also gone wrong with democracy in America, which has descended into "a simple-minded populism that values popularity and openness." The solution, Zakaria says, is more appointed bodies, like the World Trade Organization and the U.S. Supreme Court, which are effective precisely because they are insulated from political pressures. Zakaria provides a much-needed intellectual framework for many current foreign policy dilemmas, arguing that the United States should support a liberalizing dictator like Pakistan's Pervez Musharraf, be wary of an elected "thug" like Venezuela's Hugo Chavez and take care to remake Afghanistan and Iraq into societies that are not merely democratic but free.
Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc.

From Library Journal

Newsweek International's editor exposes the down side of democracy, i.e., the assumption that what's popular is right.
Copyright 2002 Reed Business Information, Inc.

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Customer Reviews

Top Customer Reviews

Format: Paperback
Fareed Zakaria (born in India, Harvard PhD, Editor of Foreign Affairs, Editor of Newsweek's International Edition) examines Liberal Democracy in his recent book, The Future of Freedom. His main themes:
1. "Liberal Democracy" must be both Liberal and Democratic, Liberal in that it protects its citizens from abuse by the government and Democratic in the sense that it is responsible to its citizens.
2. "More Democratic" is not necessarily better than "Reasonably Democratic". Socrates was forced to drink hemlock by Athenian Democracy. The Reign of Terror in Revolutionary France sent thousands to the guillotine via very Democratic National Assembly. Hitler was democratically elected. None of these examples were Liberal.
3. Emerging/developing nations have demonstrated a propensity to form stable democratic governments only when their per capita GDP exceeds a threshold of $3000 - 6000. Instituting democracy at lower levels of per capita GDP has usually resulted in unstable governments that end up being illiberal, undemocratic and economically stagnant. I interpret this phenomenon as an example of Maslow's hierarchy of needs: People are unlikely to have the time, energy, or motivation to be active participants in a democratic process if their primary concerns are hunger, safety or other lower level needs.
4. Liberal Autocracies are not entirely bad. Taiwan, Singapore, South Korea, and Chile are all examples of Liberal Autocracies that have or are evolving into Liberal Democracies.
5. In mature Liberal Democracies, more democracy may also be a bad thing. The US has become more democratic in many ways (direct election of senators, nominating primaries, open congressional hearings).
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Format: Hardcover
Fareed Zakaria is an intellectual whose time has come. Handsome, foreign-born, a possible candidate for the first Muslim Secretary of State, he has the sort of cachet the mass media love. His only problem is that he is a shallow conventional thinker with nothing intelligent to say. But that isn't really a problem for American journalism. The United States is a country where you can say anything you want. But being listened to, if you are to the left of Michael Kinsley or Robert Kerry, is another thing entirely. In the absence of real debate we have pseudo-debate and here Zakaria can shine. His thesis is that we are threatened with too much democracy. Rich and wealthy businessmen do not have sufficient power to insulate themselves and the world economic system from democratic pressure. It's an appalling injustice. Zakaria does not put his argument quite like that. Instead he argues that while Americans naturally wish to encourage free elections in the world, those free elections have the unfortunate habit of electing people like Yeltsin, Putin and Chavez. They would probably elect all sorts of nasty fundamentalists in the Middle East if those countries deigned to have elections. What these countries need is not more democracy, but more liberal constitutionalism. This means not merely the rule of law and an independent judiciary, but also vigorous action to encourage the free market economy and open investment. At the same time American democracy has weakened liberty by unwise congressional reform leading to lobbyists while plebiscites and initiatives have paralysed local government.
It is nice to have Zakaria admit, after decades of Republican cant against elites, that it is really conservative economists who would like to form an elite protected from public scrutiny and debate.
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Format: Hardcover
I throughly enjoyed Mr. Z.'s book. He took some dense information and made it into amazyingly light reading. Plus, I think Mr. Z.'s comments about the Middle East, like T. Friedman's are always excellent.
I say 'intellectual slight of hand' came into play regarding Mr. Z.'s take on Reform within Islam and his claim that, ". . . U.S., Canada, and Europe have large Muslim communities. . . (wherein) Islam is adapting to modern life without a grand Reformation" Pg. 150.
Islam needs to Reform. 9/11 points to the need for moderate Islam to reclaim 'true Islam' from the minority, i.e., fundamentalists. No matter how one slices the issue, moderate Islamists are failing by not being as forceful as Islamic fundamentalists, in reclaiming Islam's heart, soul and intellect.
Secondly, Islam is not adapting to modern life. The U.N. Middle Eastern Report or some such, for 2002 or 2003, indicates the failure of Islamic countries to adapt to modernity. "In The Shadow of The Prophet" also notes, quite well, the failure of Islam to accept modernity.
Lastly, Mr. Z., thinly makes his point writing that Islam is adapting to modernity, citing the develop of Islam within the U.S., Canada and Europe. Islamic development is needed in the Middle East, i.e., Syria, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, to name a few countries. When Middle Eastern countries, themselves, can be cited as examples of Islamic modernity, Mr. Z. will have made his point.
Otherwise, Mr. Z., writes an excellent book. Very inciteful, literally it seems as if Mr. Z., is speaking to the reader, as he does to the viewer on, 'This Week' on ABC. I strongly endorse this book as a must read, for those interested in political science.
I. Webster/Detroit, Michigan
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