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3 of 3 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars
On the consequence of the split between Bios and Zoe, May 2 2004
The obscurity embedded in the Roman Law that declared one who was condemned to death "sacred" is never really clarified here. It is better and more succinctly described in _Means Without Ends_. In this is book, Agamben soberly traces the origin of the single most deracinating event in human history: the Holocaust. Soberly, because Agamben sees the Holocaust not as an anomaly, but as an unavoidable consequence given the political origin of the West. But this book is not so much about the Holocaust per se, but about the various historical interventions concerning the notion of the Sovereign that wove the matrix of Western politics into what it became capable of in the 20th century. The locus of Agamben's view of modernity is the (concentration) camp. Agamben stresses the fact that the camp is not only a place where the unspeakable takes place but more importantly and fundamentally where a human being is stripped "Naked", stripped of 'bios' and exposed as mere 'zoe', such that anything--including the unspeakable--CAN be done to him since nothing could be considered a criminal act. The camp, according to Agamben, is "the space that opens up when the state of exception starts to become the rule." Agamben argues that the camp is the new biopolitical NOMOS of the planet by connecting the dots that Carl Schmitt first drew but left unconnected. Closer to the homefront, Agamben's meditation ultimately takes us to see the totalitarian implications behind those "gated communities" in the US today, and the impossibility of dying without the State's approval. If a good life is hinged on the hope of a good death, should the State define and decide who shall get "good death" (euthanasia)?
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1 of 1 people found the following review helpful
4.0 out of 5 stars
In the midst of life, we are in death..., Aug 7 2000
By A Customer
When all politics is about life, the shadow of death disappears. At this point life itself, despite its glory, is in terrible danger of burning up in this high-noon of the political world. Putting this point less obliquely one might say, with Giorgio Agamben in his Homo Sacer, that a world which is increasingly concerned with ridding itself of any political value except that of serving the exigencies which are thrown up by the brute fact of maintaining biological human life is a world which is dangerously unstable. The danger may lie in either of two directions. The first is that the emergence of a strong political value which co-opts a vision of the importance of biological human life but redefines the borders of 'human' gains an immediate political legitimacy in 'cleansing' the political populace of what become cast as simply vermin. The second danger is that the lack of political value apart from life itself leaves a space wherin 'life itself' increasingly begs definition, and with this definition arrive categories of life regarded as less valuable and, ultimately, as 'life not worth living'. Both of these features can be recognised as elements of the political program of National Socialist Germany. Agamben, untypically, sees Nazi Germany not as a historical abberation, but rather as an extreme case of what characterises all Western political systems and which springs from 'politics' itself, rather than any particular playing out of a political scheme. This is the condition of 'biopolitics', the condition of life as valuable or not within an overall scheme of governance. This condition reaches its paradigm expression in 'the camp', where life is usable or expendable outside the restraints of any legal structure. The argumentation in this book is very complex and opaque. The reader is not helped by the fact that such central concepts as 'sacred' and 'biopolitics' are extensively reworked from the way in which they are generally used in social science literature at this time, without this fact being signposted or even acknowledged. Furthermore, the overall argument relies on a heady admixture of classical philosophy, politics, linguistics and ethology. The ground which is covered is galloped over, rather than taken at walking pace, and the whole trip is not for the faint-hearted. The novelty of the argument, however, which links liberal democracy to totalitarian government merits detailed examination in that it reanimates basic political theoretical discussion in a field which is in danger of stagnation around the notion of the victory of liberal democracy. The only other writer who is engaged in a similar task from a similar perspective of what might be termed 'Grand Political Theory', and with comparable intellectual resources, is Antonio Negri - another Italian left-wing scholar. These two writers mark an attempt to re-invent theoretical politics, and for anyone with a serious interest in this field Homo Sacer is necessary, if not easy, reading.
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5.0 out of 5 stars
An Important On-going Project, but stay away from Haver, Dec 30 2003
By A Customer
This book is part of an extraordinary, multi-volume project. And part of an on-going effort to continue thinking with Foucault, Deleuze, and Benjamin at the final point of their work (when it was interrupted by their untimely deaths). However, to respond to one of the other reviewers: the comparison of William Haver with Agamben is completely off-base. Haver cannot hold a candle to Agamben. Agamben is patiently fleshing out the contours of an important, but little understood or acknowledged concept: the state of exception. Haver is a careeer academic who writes and publishes in order to get and keep tenure. Comparing them is patently absurd.
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