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Right Side Up: The Fall of Paul Martin and the Rise of Stephen Harper's New Conservatism
 
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Right Side Up: The Fall of Paul Martin and the Rise of Stephen Harper's New Conservatism [Hardcover]

Paul Wells
3.6 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (8 customer reviews)

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Books in Canada

The collapse of Paul Martin’s government and with it the hopes of a politician widely believed to be a man of vision and determination is a worthy story in itself. Maclean’s writer Paul Wells has combined that story with an insightful and witty account of how Stephen Harper captured the Conservative leadership and mounted a strategically adept campaign that turned Martin’s woes into a Conservative victory.
It is worth recalling both Martin’s formidable command of the Liberal Party and the parlous state of the fractured Conservatives to understand the magnitude of the historical shift. Stockwell Day’s leadership of the Canadian Alliance caused leading MPs to flee the caucus while traditional Conservatives found confirmation that they, not Preston Manning’s upstarts, held the key to the future. It is tempting to attribute Martin’s problems to the stench of corruption left by Chrétien’s long premiership, but Wells presents a convincing case for laying the blame firmly at the door of Martin and his coterie of advisors. Wells suggests that Martin’s cabal suffered from a severe case of ‘groupthink’, displaying a degree of arrogance other party members found offensive, and a tin ear to evidence of increasing problems. The group’s very cohesiveness was the source of its inability to respond flexibly: “The group was confident of its morality, suspicious of out-groups, collapsed in its time-perspective, and unfettered by regional and ideological diversity. It worked out about as well as could be expected, given the circumstances.”
Harper was able to identify and stick to a clearly articulated set of priorities. Martin, by contrast, seemed incapable of defining an agenda in spite of years of preparation. It was as though having finally reached his goal Martin forgot why he had wanted to arrive.
Harper’s five priorities-GST cuts, child-care pay-outs to parents of children under six, coming down hard on crime, accountability, and cuts to patient waiting times- carried him through the election and provided a script for delivery in the early months of the new government. Wells suggests that Harper is most successful when he has a script to follow; he is very controlling, and no one’s tool. Harper, Wells observes, is both his own strategist and his own cabinet (as the ill-fated inter-governmental affairs minister Michael Chong would find out). In that regard, the picture of Harper that emerges is not entirely favourable. Preston Manning’s Reformers promised to give power back to parliamentarians, and through them to their constituents. Harper’s instinct is to gather power into his own hands, and to punish those who have the temerity to disagree with him. Harper has turned the constitutional practice of cabinet government, on which Canada’s government is based, into a travesty. While Martin may have consulted endlessly and dithered eternally, Harper decides and lets the relevant minister read about it in the papers. Wells doesn’t dwell on the long-term implications of such conduct, but in the absence of a vigorous and effective cabinet it is unclear how good ideas will defeat bad ones or how new ideas will emerge.
Harper’s famously bad relations with the national media also reflect a disturbing attempt to control the agenda; pique at what is seen as unfair media coverage may be indicative of his misunderstanding of the role the media should play in a dynamic democracy. Harper’s enthusiasm for Canada’s participation in the invasion of Iraq is well known. As the spuriousness of the WMD claims emerged, and was followed in Iraq by sectarian violence and conditions resembling civil war, Harper sought to put a different spin on his position, claiming that he simply thought Canada should have wished its traditional allies in the English-speaking world well. Toronto Star journalist Tonda MacCharles confronted him with a press release calling for Canadian troops issued by then foreign affairs spokesman, Stockwell Day. Harper responded with anger, refusing to look at the release. MacCharles was not only doing her job, she was, as Wells points out, entirely correct in spotting the inconsistency.
Harper’s decision to appoint a communications neophyte and former lobbyist, Sandra Buckler, to the position of communications director perhaps reflected a shared contempt for the press. Buckler was, Wells notes, “the first communications director anyone could remember who simply wouldn’t return most routine calls from reporters.” The Martin campaign folks were supposed to be media relations pros, but as the last campaign unravelled their flair gave way to a dour intensity in defending their position. In the next election, Harper will not have a well of good will to draw on.
Wells presents Harper as a supreme strategist, dismissing attempts to portray him as the Strom Thurmond of Canadian conservatism. Harper’s intention of building a winning big tent alliance is the key to his politics. He has no secret yearning to impose a socially conservative agenda. True, Harper wants to contain the size of government, but Wells notes that Flaherty’s first budget forecasts only a small decline in the proportion of Canada’s GDP devoted to federal program spending. Flaherty’s latest fiscal update, released since Wells went to press, indicates that in per capita terms, program spending will continue to increase! This is a long way from the sharp cuts proposed by Manning and other critics of government excesses.
Many books about politics are not just heavy going, but carry an overt agenda, to persuade the reader of this or that cause. Wells not only offers a lively narrative, he enlightens the reader with the perspectives of a close observer with no visible axe to grind. His humour is a delightful bonus. All in all, this is a first-rate read. It brings recent history into focus and is good preparation for viewing the coming clash with the rejigged Dion Liberals. Whatever you may think of Harper, Wells leaves no doubt that as a political strategist you underestimate him at your peril.
Martin Loney (Books in Canada)

Review

“Wells tells both sides of the story in his trademark style — bright, breezy, accessible, irreverent and insightful.”
Montreal Gazette

“This is a most readable book by one of the country’s most original journalists.”
Globe and Mail

“A feast for the politically inclined.”
London Free Press

“Wells is lucid, funny, revealing, opinionated and sometimes wickedly snarky.”
National Post


From the Trade Paperback edition.

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8 Reviews
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3.6 out of 5 stars (8 customer reviews)
 
 
 
 
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3 of 3 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars The best Canadian Politics book of 2006, May 22 2007
By 
Stewart Kiff (Toronto, ON, Canada) - See all my reviews
(TOP 500 REVIEWER)    (REAL NAME)   
This review is from: Right Side Up: The Fall of Paul Martin and the Rise of Stephen Harper's New Conservatism (Hardcover)
Maclean's Magazine columnist Paul Wells ably demonstrates why he merits his status as one of the leading scribes in Canadian political writing. His stories are accessible and his prose is light, though at times the collegial tone feels a bit forced. Overall he has written a book that is a very easy read both for the dilettante and the professional. Yet, his book packs real weight. Right Side Up is full of information you will find nowhere else about Paul Martin's fall and Stephen Harper's ascension.

Wells begins his book immediately after the narrow win of the Liberals in the 2004 federal election against the new Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. Though the Liberals maintained power, they lost seats - yet Martin treated the election as a victory and did virtually nothing to change or improve his team or their message for the next election. That was because from his perspective, Martin and his team had been building for this moment since his 1990 leadership loss to Jean Chrétien. Why should anything change? It was this inertia that set Martin and the Liberals up for their mediocre 2006 election results and Martin's subsequent resignation from politics.

Those who remember the Federal election of 2004 will remember that the election was in fact a very near thing for the Liberals in spite of their eventual victory. Three weeks before the election, Harper's new Conservative Party was ahead in the polls but seemingly ran out of script. This loss of momentum allowed the Liberals to run a very effective scare campaign that gave them a surge in the last weeks of the campaign, largely by convincing soft NDP voters to vote Liberal because the thought of a Stephen Harper victory was worse than the thought of continued Liberal government.

Wells contrasts Martin's blithe smugness following his victory with the story of Stephen Harper. Harper could have easily accepted the modest gains of 2004 as a success. After all, Harper had increased his party's seats, unified the country's Conservatives, and led in the polls up until the final weeks.

Instead, Harper treated the campaign like a terrible loss. He organized a series of ruthless strategy sessions in which everything about the campaign, including his own performance, was fair game for criticism. There, with the help of his inner circle of political übernerds like Tom Flannigan and Patrick Muttart, Harper and team deconstructed their election effort. From this analysis they prepared the working plan that would become the blueprint for victory in the 2006 election.

The results from these two approaches were that the Conservative 2006 campaign has become celebrated for its effectiveness and consistency, while the Martin campaign has been exposed for its disorganization and lack of imagination.

Elsewhere in the book Wells adds some interesting what-if scenarios - which only go to show how fragile and luck-driven political success can be. He documents the point in the campaign where all the Conservative television ads - including many nasty and negative ads that were never aired but where nonetheless prepared - were sent by accident to the Sun newspapers. Through good fortune, the Sun reporters were not able to properly open their DVD, saving the Conservatives from a terrible gaffe that may have been fatal to their election hopes. Through good fate, and little else, the Conservatives were able to retrieve their ads, and continue on to electoral success.

Those of you enjoyed the Maclean's post mortem on the last election will be interested to know that this book grew out of the writing that Wells contributed to that piece. Right Side Up is a great piece of political writing and in-depth reportage that is seldom seen. I think it's the best Canadian political book of 2006, and I can't recommend it enough.
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5.0 out of 5 stars Right Side Up, April 25 2009
By 
Pearl Roy (Hawkesbury, ON Canada) - See all my reviews
(REAL NAME)   
This review is from: Right Side Up: The Fall of Paul Martin and the Rise of Stephen Harper's New Conservatism (Hardcover)
I haven't completed the book as of yet, but I am really getting a clear picture on how the Conservatives came into power (much deservingly so)and some insight into the other parties also.
Another excellent book is "Stephen Harper And the Future of Canada" written by William Johnson.
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3.0 out of 5 stars Many ups, but also has many downs..., Dec 31 2006
By 
Mike514 (Montreal, Qc, Canada) - See all my reviews
This review is from: Right Side Up: The Fall of Paul Martin and the Rise of Stephen Harper's New Conservatism (Hardcover)
For those familiar with Paul Wells' articles and addicted to his blog (myself included), you will enjoy this book. His style of sharp, funny, and insightful comments has translated fairly well into book form. For anyone else, it can go either way...

There are down sides to this book: His section on "groupthink" reads too much like a rushed college essay and seems out of place. His interviews with Liberal leadership hopefuls are dry. I was also hoping for more discussion on Paul Martin the prime minister, and not just Paul Martin the election campaigner.

My biggest problem with this book: His trademark negative sarcasm gets a little tiresome around halfway through the book. This attitude is fine for a short blog posting or a one-page article, but it's harder to tolerate throughout an entire book.

Nonetheless, despite all the downs, Wells does a fair job at summarizing the change from a Liberal government to a Tory one.

Finally, please don't call Wells a liberal/left-winger. He treats both sides with equal scorn and praise when it's merited. This book is not unfairly biased.
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