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Product Details

  • Paperback: 384 pages
  • Publisher: University of Oklahoma Press; New edition edition (March 15 1993)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0806125160
  • ISBN-13: 978-0806125169
  • Product Dimensions: 14 x 2.3 x 20.3 cm
  • Shipping Weight: 440 g
  • Average Customer Review: 4.5 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (2 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Bestsellers Rank: #339,840 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
  • See Complete Table of Contents

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About the Author

Samuel P. Huntington (1927-2008) was the Albert J. Weatherhead III University Professor at Harvard and former chairman of the Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies. He authored many books on comparative politics and military affairs and served as Coordinator of Security Planning for the National Security Council. He is a founder of the journal Foreign Policy and a former president of the American Political Science Association.

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THE THIRD WAVE OF DEMOCRATIZATION in the modern world began, implausibly and unwittingly, at twenty-five minutes after midnight, Thursday, April 25, 1974, in Lisbon, Portugal, when a radio station played the song "Grandola Vila Morena." Read the first page
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2 of 2 people found the following review helpful By Raymond Robinson on Dec 1 2000
Format: Paperback
While not as heavily theoretical as some of Huntington's other works, this book is laden with apercus about why and how countries develop democracies, especially in the most recent wave (just to clarify, the first wave started in the early 1800's, the second occurred after World War II, and the third began in 1974 and included the countries liberated by the end of communism in the late 1980's.) The success of democratization is tied to various factors - the type and strength of the authoritarian regime that is facing this choice, its willingness to permit democratization, the strength of the movement that seeks to democratize, and that country's conditions (i.e. has it attempted to democratize before? How does religion affect the culture of that country?) Huntington's genius is to look at scores of seemingly disparate cases and discern patterns where democratization succeeds and fails.
An interesting side note is Huntington's analysis of why countries democratize. Each wave had its own conditions, but several variables merit mentioning. As a country industrializes, it becomes increasingly difficult for an authoritarian regime to maintain its monopoly on power, which becomes more diffused. Industrialization also fosters the growth of a questioning middle class that becomes more vocal as its wealth increases (not to mention a vibrant working class that is also a vital force for democracy, as Rueschemeyer, Stephens, and Stephens note in Capitalist Development and Democracy.) In addition, authoritarian regimes inevitably weaken over time as they fail to meet expectations and public dissatisfaction increases; they also become stale and are usually incapable of renewing themselves. They eventually lose legitimacy as the coalition of interests that supports them begins to splinter. Just a few more headaches for Jiang Jemin and his crew.
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0 of 2 people found the following review helpful By A Customer on May 21 1999
Format: Paperback
I had to read this book for a class and I really got a great background in democracy in developing countries. Well written and informative.
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Amazon.com: 12 reviews
37 of 40 people found the following review helpful
A good primer on the march towards democratization Dec 1 2000
By Raymond Robinson - Published on Amazon.com
Format: Paperback
While not as heavily theoretical as some of Huntington's other works, this book is laden with apercus about why and how countries develop democracies, especially in the most recent wave (just to clarify, the first wave started in the early 1800's, the second occurred after World War II, and the third began in 1974 and included the countries liberated by the end of communism in the late 1980's.) The success of democratization is tied to various factors - the type and strength of the authoritarian regime that is facing this choice, its willingness to permit democratization, the strength of the movement that seeks to democratize, and that country's conditions (i.e. has it attempted to democratize before? How does religion affect the culture of that country?) Huntington's genius is to look at scores of seemingly disparate cases and discern patterns where democratization succeeds and fails.
An interesting side note is Huntington's analysis of why countries democratize. Each wave had its own conditions, but several variables merit mentioning. As a country industrializes, it becomes increasingly difficult for an authoritarian regime to maintain its monopoly on power, which becomes more diffused. Industrialization also fosters the growth of a questioning middle class that becomes more vocal as its wealth increases (not to mention a vibrant working class that is also a vital force for democracy, as Rueschemeyer, Stephens, and Stephens note in Capitalist Development and Democracy.) In addition, authoritarian regimes inevitably weaken over time as they fail to meet expectations and public dissatisfaction increases; they also become stale and are usually incapable of renewing themselves. They eventually lose legitimacy as the coalition of interests that supports them begins to splinter. Just a few more headaches for Jiang Jemin and his crew.
11 of 14 people found the following review helpful
Excellent analysis of variables. Sept. 25 2009
By Paul L - Published on Amazon.com
Format: Paperback Verified Purchase
With his book, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (1991), Samuel P. Huntington introduced us to the third wave of democracy which had been transforming the world since its inception in 1974, and sparked a firestorm of academic literature on why this particularly successful democratic wave had come about and remained for so long. He identifies five changes in the world that paved the way for the latest wave of transitions to democracy: 1) the deepening legitimacy problems of authoritarian governments unable to cope with economic failures; 2) the burgeoning economies of many countries, which have raised living standards, levels of education and urbanization, while also raising civic expectations and the ability to express them; 3) changes in religious institutions which have made them more prone to oppose governmental authoritarianism than defend the status quo; 4) the push to promote human rights and democracy by external actors such as the US, the USSR under Gorbachev, and the European Community; and 5) the "snowballing" or demonstration effects, enhanced by new international communications, of democratization in other countries.

These five changes that Huntington identifies become his five independent variables that bear influence on his dependent variable, democratization. Huntington feels it is important to clarify his dependant variable:

The dependant variable of this study is not democracy, but democratization. The purpose is to explain why some countries that were authoritarian became democratic in a particular period of time. The focus is on regime change, not regime existence... At the simplest level, democratization involves: (1) the end of an authoritarian regime; (2) the installation of a democratic regime; and (3) the consolidation of the democratic regime. Different and contradictory causes may be responsible for each of these three developments. (Third Wave 34-35)

For his sample of third wave nations Huntington studies the 31 nations that achieved democracy from 1974-1990, using case studies, comparative analysis and statistical research to analyze the relationship of the independent variables to the dependant variable.

In showing the relationship between the declining legitimacy of authoritarian regimes and their subsequent democratization, Huntington delves into the theoretical. He first discusses the basis of authority for the regimes in his sample, prior to their democratization. Countries that had had democracy in their past had an inherent problem with being in an authoritarian state, "In a sense, the body politic of their society had been infected with the democratic virus... Authoritarian rulers were thus impelled to justify their own regimes by democratic rhetoric..." (Third Wave 47). Democratic regimes have the ability to continually renew their authority through built in regime change i.e. elections. Some authoritarian countries could develop limited renewal through legislation. Two nations in the third wave sample fit this criterion: Mexico and Brazil. Since no president could succeed himself in either nation, they were both able to maintain a modicum of authority with this limited renewal system.

Mostly though, authoritarian regimes sought to justify their authority through performance, and this led them into what Huntington terms the "performance dilemma" (Third Wave 50). Whereas in a democracy the administration is subject to a performance standard, and can and will be replaced if it fails to perform to standard, in an authoritarian regime it is the system itself that is under the performance standard. Because of this, Huntington posits that, "the oil price hikes and their economic consequences deserve a significant portion of the credit for weakening authoritarianism in the 1970s and early 1980s" (Third Wave 51). In countries already democratized you saw incumbent political parties turned out of office after the 1979 oil price hikes, but authoritarian regimes could not simply hold elections to renew their legitimacy. With authoritarian regimes failing to perform economically and socially, people began to see democratic regimes as the only viable alternative.

Huntington's second independent variable, economic growth, is a measure that is easier to gauge empirically. He presents his data in an easy to follow table. He found that while the economic development of the third wave countries did run the range from poor to wealthy, "27 out of 31 countries that liberalized or democratized, however, were in the middle income range... and half had 1976 per capita GNPs between $1,000 and $3,000" (Third Wave 63). Huntington notes that it was not just wealth alone that spurred democracy. He shows us that of the 5 nations in the transition zone ($1,000-3,000 GNP range) that did not democratize or liberalize, 2 were oil exporting Arab states (Iran and Iraq). Further, the 3 nations above the transition zone that did not liberalize or democratize were all oil exporting Arab states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Libya). He concludes that broad-based economic development will spur democracy, but not economic development based on the sale of oil or other natural resources.

Huntington's third independent variable has to do with the reforms of the Catholic Church under Pope John XXIII. At the second Vatican council Pope John XXIII called for a change in the church. He wanted to stress the need for social change in the world, and this required that bishops, priests and laity dedicate themselves to helping the poor. Regimes that had previously had their authority upheld by the church would now lose that leg that they were standing on. Huntington goes to great length in specific case studies where church leaders led the people in opposing their authoritarian rulers. These included: the Dominican Republic, Panama, Nicaragua, Chile, the Republic of Korea, and the Philippines (Third Wave 72-85). Huntington puts it second only to economic development as to which of his independent variables facilitated democratization the most.

The promotion of democracy by external actors focuses on the efforts of the European Community, the US, and the USSR that allowed less powerful nations the chance to develop fledgling democracies. When the European Community expanded in 1973 to include Great Briton, Ireland and Denmark non-member nations in Europe took notice and began to desire membership in this beneficial economic relationship. Membership required a democracy, and this did a lot to spur the democratization of Greece, Portugal and Spain. Once members, the partnerships formed in the community would keep these new democracies from sliding back to authoritarianism.

The US, for its part, was a champion of human rights in the late 1970s and 1980s. Huntington notes 5 means of democracy promotion that the US used during the third wave. First, many speeches were given by presidents and other top ranking officials in support of democracy and human rights, and the US actively promoted "democracy propaganda" with programs like Radio Free Europe, Voice of Liberty, and Radio Liberty. Second, congress made US aid contingent on the support of human rights by a given nation, leveling several sanctions and suspending aid in many cases. Third, a new breed of democracy pushing diplomats emerged in US embassies in countries with authoritarian regimes. Their lobbying was crucial to pushing authoritarian regimes in the right directions. Perhaps most importantly, the US funneled several million dollars through the CIA to democratic organizations in authoritarian countries (one was Solidarity in Poland), and sent developmental aid through the National Endowment for Democracy that supported fair elections in Chile and Nicaragua. Fifth, the US intervened militarily to support democratic movements in the Dominican Republic and Grenada, and sent military aid to fledgling democracies in the Philippines and El Salvador that had to fight Marxist insurgencies (Third Wave 93-94).

Interestingly enough, the Soviet Union provided the most impetus for change as an external actor during the third wave of democratization. According to Huntington, "Democratization in... Eastern Europe was the result of changes in Soviet Policy even more far reaching than those made in American policy in the 1970s" (Third Wave 98-99). Gorbachev supported the removal of old-guard communist leaders in Soviet nations, and while he may not have supported non-communist groups, he did allow for them to exist. He also provided for competitive elections of government officials. Much like the show of American power in Latin America helped spur democracy, the withdrawal of Soviet Power in Eastern Europe allowed for democracy to form.

Finally, Huntington tackles the snowballing effect of democratization, whereby democratization was made easier for countries in proximity or linked by history to nations already democratized or democratizing. After World War II the quality of global communications exploded. No longer could governments completely suppress what their people would see and hear. The cost to governments of trying to stifle unwanted messages was staggering, and there was little they could do to stop underground media from forming. When one authoritarian government fell, the largest effects were felt by the nations closest to it and the people of these nations who had been waiting for it to happen. The downfall of the Portuguese regime gave hope to the Spanish wanting to oust Franco. When they did achieve democracy in Spain it helped the many Latin American nations of the third wave. Solidarity's success in August 1989 in Poland was a match that started a forest fire in Eastern Europe: Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Romania all would democratize by the end of the year. It seemed that once one nation proved that democracy could succeed in a region, others were soon to follow.

Huntington's work was avant-garde in explaining the causes of late 20th century democratization, and suffers the failures and success of any such trail-blazing work. His work is very strong when it comes to historical research and theoretical analysis, but is lacking in rigorous statistical analysis when analyzing 4 of his 5 independent variables. Of course, this being the scholarly work that created the globalization paradigm as a means of viewing democratization, one must realize that it will be heavier on theory than on statistics. Clearly, this work of Huntington's is one of the most important of the last 25 years (perhaps surpassed only by his own The Clash of Civilizations?) and demands our respect. Huntington opened the door for any number of studies of globalization and democracy since 4 of his 5 independent variables can be viewed as part of the concept of globalization. Huntington, in fact, does not use the word `globalization' once in his text, but developed the concepts of it. Since his work of 1991, we have come to understand that the shrinking world he talked about was indeed globalization at work.
6 of 8 people found the following review helpful
Samuel Huntington, "The Third Wave" March 10 2008
By Kamil Marcinkiewicz - Published on Amazon.com
Format: Paperback
"The Third Wave" by Samuel Huntington is a good introduction into democratization studies. Huntington, same as in his other books, uses a light style without too much specialist vocabulary and gives numerous fascinating examples from the history of the countries that underwent systemic transformation after 1974. Since his book is a comparative study, though, it leaves out many details crucial for understanding the specific path of democratization adopted in a given country. It also does not pay enough attention to the process of consolidation which has just began when the book was published. "The Third Wave, however, is just the right book for a beginning democratization student. I think even the critics of "The Clash of Civilizations" will be satisfied with "The Third Wave", which is less ideological and more fact-focused than Huntongton's most famous work.

Kamil Marcinkiewicz
University of Passau, Germany
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful
Surprisingly insightful Sept. 25 2012
By Enjolras - Published on Amazon.com
Format: Paperback
I'd avoided reading this book for years. I thought Huntington was old news as far as political science was concerned. The Third Wave after all was history. However, Huntington provides a rich and nuanced theory of democratization. He doesn't try to simplify his theory to achieve artificial parsimony, but rather observes what happened and tries to explain it. There are times when I wish he was a bit more systematic with his evidence, but he does cover the entire spectrum of countries that democratized. By his own admission, Huntington's theory seeks to explain the Third Wave - it doesn't necessarily explain democratization writ large. Nonetheless, I'm sure some of his analysis will carry over.
Fairly well Done Overall April 16 2015
By cerwin2 - Published on Amazon.com
Format: Paperback Verified Purchase
Huntington’s attempt in writing this book is to explain the global political development of the late twentieth century and the transition of over thirty different countries from nondemocratic to democratic political systems. Huntington attempts to explain why, how, and the consequences of the third wave of democratization from 1974 to 1990. He is attempting to explain using different historical cases studies the possible reason that countries become democratic or undemocratic. He is not theorizing like in the case of Barrington Moore, but rather he attempts to collect data that can help give possible explanations of why a political system becomes democratic or undemocratic. Huntington recognizes that there are countries that can have all of the characteristics of a democratic society but still be undemocratic. In this Huntington is writing a how-to guide for countries to become democratic.
Huntington main theme is that there are the three waves of democratization and with each wave of democratization there is a corresponding reverse-wave. Huntington defines a wave of democratization as a group of transitions from nondemocratic to democratic regimes that occur in a specific time period. A wave of democratization can bring liberalization and partial democratization to a political system. The reverse-wave happens after the first wave of democratization in which some but not all countries that transitioned into democratic political systems revert back to nondemocratic political systems.
The first wave of democratization happened is what Huntington refers to as the first long wave that lasted from the 1828 – 1926. The long wave gave voting rights to major portion of the population, by obtaining a responsible executive who must maintain majority support by means of an election, and the abolition of property qualifications in order to vote. Huntington states that the long wave was started in the United States roughly around 1828. The first reverse wave happened in the Rome in 1922 after a trend of democracy tapering off and in many parts of the world being replaced with traditional forms of authoritarian systems. Huntington sites the rise of communist, fascist, and militaristic ideologies rising in this reverse wave.
The allies winning of World War II ushered in a short second wave of democratization. Huntington sites that democracy was promoted in West Germany, Italy, Austria, and Japan and governments in Latin America in 1944 and 1945 were chosen by popular election. In this second short wave of democratization Western colonial powers fell and created many new states but there was no real push for democracy. Malaysia was made “quasi-democratic” in 1957 and states like India, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, and Israel became democratic institutions were sustained for decades. Nigeria, the largest state in Africa, became a democratic institution.
The second reverse wave became apparent by the late 1950’s because many different countries were becoming heavily authoritarian and many military coups erupted in places like Brazil and Bolivia in 1964, Argentina in 1968 Peru in 1968, and Ecuador in 1972. Many different states fell to military rule, guided democracy, or other forms of authoritarian rule. By 1975 38 countries fell to coups d’états and many others were under authoritarian rule. This second reverse wave was very striking because countries like India, Uruguay, Chile, and the Philippians had sustained democratic institutions for a quarter of a century and now had fallen to a form of bureaucratic authoritarianism. This reverse wave brought feelings of pessimism about the applicability of democratizing in developing countries as well as sustaining democracies in countries that had already been democratized.
After the fall of the Portuguese dictatorship in 1974 many democratic regimes replaced authoritarian ones and brought almost 30 countries in Europe, Asia, and Latin America. Many other countries were moving away from authoritarian systems to help promote more democratic systems. There were considerable setbacks and resistance in many countries like in China in 1989 but the trend of democratization was moving quickly throughout the world. Grease, Portugal, Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, the Philippians and the Soviet Union started to go down paths of democratization. By the end of the third wave the communist regimes were almost eliminated and replaced with different forms of democracies. In the 1970’s and 1980’s the first phase of European decolonization happened with the end of the Portuguese empire. The British Empire relaxed their grip on many new nations, which became democracies. With all the democratization that happened in the third wave, by 1990 there seems to be a less optimistic outlook for the prospects of democracy. There had not been an increase in the proportion of democratic states since the first wave. There were less authoritarian states but still the proportion is far smaller.
Huntington attempts to identify possible factors for the future growth and decline of democracy. Huntington sites five major factors that contributed to the timing and transition of the third wave of democracy. The factors are not determinative rather they are characteristics of the third wave of democratization.
The first factor is the depending legitimacy problem of authoritarian regimes in a world where democratic values are widely used and accepted. These countries have trouble keeping performance legitimacy due to economic or sometime military failures. The delegitimization of different authoritarian regimes can be seen throughout the different waves. In a time when people are literate and have the means of mobilization the traditional rationale of authoritarian regimes loose their value.
Huntington looks at the rise of the second reverse wave authoritarian regimes and notes that they came to power highly on the backs of “negative legitimacy.” Negative legitimacy is relying on the failures of the democratic regime and the authoritarian regime uses this to justify their control on the basis they are fighting corruption, communism, or some other foe. Usually the authoritarian regime uses this negative legitimacy to justify everything but it will slowly decline with time. The authoritarian regime will then start to suffer from “performance legitimacy” because they have failed to deliver what they promised to the people. The regime might have promised economic prosperity or some sort of social change. This problem of legitimacy and performance legitimacy ultimately diffuses authoritarian control in the third wave.
The second factor is the mass accumulation of wealth in the 1960s, which raised living standards, increased education, and expanded urban middle class in many countries. Huntington states that countries that are already having great amounts of wealth are generally democratized. This is not to say that wealthy countries are necessarily democracies but most democracies have the characteristics of democratic systems. This correlation insists that countries at the mid-level economic developmental stage are better for democratic development. Huntington states that the poor countries are the least likely to produce democratic systems. The countries that are in the “political transition zone” are more likely to be in the economic stratum and are more likely to transition to democracy.
The third factor is the shift of the doctrine and activities of the Catholic Church in 1963 – 1965 from defending the status quo to becoming opponents of authoritarianism. The Protestant religion and democratization are linked and Puritanism was the first among the democratizing religions. Catholicism was, in contrast to the Protestantism in that it seemed to be the antitheses to democracy and represented an authoritative regime. In the third wave many countries that were primary Catholic countries were democratized and Huntington gives a partial explanation for why this had happened. The change came in the 1960s when the Catholic Church broke from the old ties of establishment, land owning oligarchy, and authoritarian governments. The Church started to oppose these older ties and authoritarian regimes and the changes happened. Catholicism changed on a global level by stressing the legitimacy and need for social change, the importance of collegial action, dedication to the poor, and the stressing of individual right. Huntington states that if the Catholic Church did not take a stance against authoritarianism then many of the third wave countries, like the ones in Latin America would not have transitioned to a democracy.
The fourth factor is changing in policies of external factors in Europe, the United States, and the Soviet Union. Huntington sites the European community as having great affects on democracy. For Greece, Portugal, and Spain democratization was needed in order to have economic benefits for the European community in order for the European Community to ensure stability of democracy. Huntington cites the beginning of the third wave of democratization coinciding with the proposal of the Helsinki Final Act.
The United States major contribution to democratization was promoting democracy in the world. The United States started playing a bigger role in the world with the Carter administration and his commitment to human rights and human rights abuses. The Reagan administration brought a different approach by focusing more on political systems that denied human rights. The Reagan administration focused on the Communism but then expanded to non-communist dictatorships. The U.S. used political, economic, diplomatic, and military actions to promote democratization. Huntington states that the democratization in Eastern Europe was result of the changes made by the Soviet Policy and was far-reaching and dramatic than the Carter administration.
Gorbachev made a major step toward democratization by effectively stating the Soviet Union not act to maintain existing communist dictatorships. There was also a commitment to having economic liberalization and political reform. The new Soviet approach opened the door to for non-communist political parties participation, the ousting of existing political leader through elections, and a move toward more market-oriented economies.
The fifth and final factor is what Huntington refers to is “Snowballing,” or the demonstration effect of other transitions in the third wave and offering models for following efforts of democratization. The concept of snowballing does not guarantee that if democratization of one country will affect the other. The conditions still have to be right. The country still needs to have the right conditions for democratization to happen. The snowballing effect however has been seen and is effective in the third wave with the democratization of the Soviet Union. Once the Soviet Union democratized the rest of Eastern Europe started to democratize. This happened because these countries did not have the external obstacle of the Soviet Union anymore.
The same cannot be said in the case of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. There are many factors that lead to the snowballing effect in Eastern Europe that the other countries don’t have. Huntington states that the first countries to democratize in the first part of the third wave were not caused by snowballing but rather the result of triggers like the leader dying or an unwinnable war. The snowballing seems to take place after these lead countries democratize. The following countries get stimulated and demand similar demands.
Huntington indicates how the transitions take place by reformers that are likely to democratize a country. These happen with roles of transformers, replacements, and transplacements. The transformers are those in power in the authoritarian regimes that take lead roles in changing to a democratic system. Transformers account for approximately sixteen out of the thirty-five democratized countries in the third wave transitions.
The replacements are much different than transformers. Replacements are when reformers in the regime are too weak or non-existent. The dominant elements in the government are opposed to any regime change. The democratization comes when the dominant opposition group gains strength and gains power after the government collapses or is over thrown. The replacements come to power and then struggle amongst themselves to determine what regime it will become. Replacements account for approximately six out of the thirty-five democratized countries in the third wave transitions.
The Transplacements democratization is produced by combined action of the opposition and the existing government. Unlike the replacements the standpatters and the reformers are balanced out and the government is willing to negotiate for regime change. The government has to be forced to negotiate with the opposition. The opposition is more moderate than the standpatters so the negotiations are favorable to the opposition and thus helps form a more democratic system. Transplacments account for approximately eleven out of the thirty-five democratized countries in the third wave transitions
Huntington’s analysis of democratization on global political development is very thorough and very well researched. The book is very simple to follow and it seems hard to criticize the book at all. There are very few faults with his analysis but there is a fault in the core of his arguments. The fault lies within his very narrow definition of democracy.
Huntington defines democracy in the narrow terms in the Schumpeterian tradition. In that tradition democracy is defines as a political system that chooses the collective decisions makers by selected through fair, honest, and periodic elections in where virtually all adults are eligible for voting. Huntington goes on to state that there are different opinions of what democracy is and the definition he uses is minimal. Huntington ultimately chooses this definition for a democratized institution. Because Huntington does not expand his definition of democracy he leaves out key features of democracy like liberty, equality, and community or civil society. Huntington’s narrow definition maintains that very repressive governments are democratic in that they have elections. These elections don’t necessarily guarantee democracy but it merely represents on narrow facet of democracy. By using the dichotomous approach instead of continuous approach he is making too broad of a statement by stating a country is democratic or not merely based on the right to vote or not.
Overall the book is a substantial addition to the knowledge of democratization on a global scale. The book gives a great analysis of the possibilities of why and how countries become democratic or undemocratic. He offers no determinative factors but he offers many variables that cause democratization in different periods of time. Although his definition of democracy is very narrow in that it only relies on the qualities of the electoral process it is still a great contributor to the knowledge of development and democratization in the twentieth century.

Other works referenced: Richard Schneirov, Fernandez A. Gaston, “Introduction,” in Democracy as a Way of Life in America: A History (New York: Rutledge Publishing, 2014), 2.


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