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PRISONER OF THE STATE: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang Hardcover – May 19 2009
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"Zhao may be more dangerous in death than he was in life."
-- Time
How often can you peek behind the curtains of one of the most secretive governments in the world? Prisoner of the State is the first book to give readers a front row seat to the secret inner workings of China's government. It is the story of Premier Zhao Ziyang, the man who brought liberal change to that nation and who, at the height of the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989, tried to stop the massacre and was dethroned for his efforts.
When China's army moved in, killing hundreds of students and other demonstrators, Zhao was placed under house arrest at his home on a quiet alley in Beijing. China's most promising change agent had been disgraced, along with the policies he stood for. The premier spent the last sixteen years of his life, up until his death in 2005, in seclusion. An occasional detail about his life would slip out: reports of a golf excursion, a photo of his aging visage, a leaked letter to China's leaders. But China scholars often lamented that Zhao never had his final say.
As it turns out, Zhao did produce a memoir in complete secrecy. He methodically recorded his thoughts and recollections on what had happened behind the scenes during many of modern China's most critical moments. The tapes he produced were smuggled out of the country and form the basis for Prisoner of the State. In this audio journal, Zhao provides intimate details about the Tiananmen crackdown; he describes the ploys and double crosses China's top leaders use to gain advantage over one another; and he talks of the necessity for China to adopt democracy in order to achieve long-term stability.
The China that Zhao portrays is not some long-lost dynasty. It is today's China, where the nation's leaders accept economic freedom but continue to resist political change.
If Zhao had survived -- that is, if the hard-line hadn't prevailed during Tiananmen -- he might have been able to steer China's political system toward more openness and tolerance.
Zhao's call to begin lifting the Party's control over China's life -- to let a little freedom into the public square -- is remarkable coming from a man who had once dominated that square. Although Zhao now speaks from the grave in this moving and riveting memoir, his voice has the moral power to make China sit up and listen.
- Print length336 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSimon & Schuster
- Publication dateMay 19 2009
- Dimensions16.51 x 3.18 x 24.77 cm
- ISBN-101439149380
- ISBN-13978-1439149386
Product description
About the Author
Adi Ignatius is an American journalist who covered China for The Wall Street Journal during the Zhao Ziyang era. He is currently editor in chief of the Harvard Business Review.
Bao Pu, a political commentator and veteran human rights activist, is a publisher and editor of New Century Press in Hong Kong.
Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster (May 19 2009)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1439149380
- ISBN-13 : 978-1439149386
- Item weight : 526 g
- Dimensions : 16.51 x 3.18 x 24.77 cm
- Best Sellers Rank: #913,304 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,863 in Chinese History (Books)
- #4,852 in Political Biographies (Books)
- #33,827 in Memoirs (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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This book is based on the foresight and legacy of one very patriotic Chinese in China. His name or rather his late name was Zhao Ziyang, a once upon time Prime Minister.
He was firm, strong, courageous and non-compromising when coming to punishing the protesting students at Beijing, and whose many a death climaxed notoriously as the TIANANMEN MASSACRE. This tragedy happened in the year 1989. And because Premier Zhao sided with the students against the entrenched and die-hard members of the Chinese Communists elders of which the then Paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping, by his angry body language and dire accusations levelled at Zhao in a supposedly private meeting. But it turned out to be a kangaro type of judgment against Zhao by the group of his worse enemies who hated him out of covetedness and extreme personal jealousies. Zhao was summarily fired from his post as "heir" to Deng and imprisoned under house arrest at his home in Beijing. Even his guards would not sympathize with this dedicated leader. Before Zhao's dead some years earlier, he dictated what he felt was right and proper cause for China to persue - parlimentary democracy and freedom of speech and assembly - such daring concepts which are diametrically opposed to Communism - would have Deng's and Mao's bodies stirring fitfully in their graves had they known...! Premier Zhao recorded some 30 audio-tapes and arranged for these to be shipped secretly out of the country by his three buddies who came to visit with the sick and aging leader. After his death in 2004, the tapes were finally transcribed and now made available in English for not only the Chinese people but the entire free world to read , to ponder, and to learn the inner truth and struggles that went on inside the forbidding fortress of Beijing where the Communist elders sequested themselves and enjoying excellent food, wine and women at the expenses of the Chinese people outside who are slogging and earning just a bowl of rice in the cities and villagers. So what a contrast...! We all should thank the late Premier Zhao for telling the truth of his economic reforms and his intensed struggle with jealous party officials who were jockeying and currying favour with Paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, the old man! Had Premier Zhao live he would, no doubt, be awarded either the Nobel Peace Prize or the Noble Prize for Economics, as he was the main architect in opening up the country to foreign trade and develop economic reforms which we all witness today in China...and accorded her the superpower status.
I end here with a silent prayer to the late Premier Zhao Ziyang and may his soul rests in eternal peace with our Risen Lord...Amen.
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après les événements de Tien An Men. Sa valeur est dans sa vérite et le vecu d'un homme d'état chinois
qui a traversé des années proche du pouvoir et qui a dû subir des années coupés du monde extérieur. Il a
laissé, dans ce livre, toute une histoire de son pays et des manipulations politiques du gouvernement Mao.
And some of this - but not very much - is in the Tiananmen Papers. For the most part, however, Zhao is laying in his own record of events that he personally participated in, leading with the Tiananmen incident of June 1989, but going back to the beginnings of reform and opening, for which Zhao's leadership in Sichuan province (and Wan Li's in Anhui) were seminal in the testing of agricultural reforms that were the foundation of China's present relative prosperity, and forward to an evaluation of China after Zhao's political demise and Zhao's evaluation of the leaders he worked with during nearly a decade at the center of the storm in Beijing.
Throughout, Zhao relies on what must have been a prodigious memory - assisted, almost certainly, by former assistant Bao Tong and other friends and colleagues. It's interesting, though, that Zhao gets some dates wrong (as pointed out by editorial notes by Bao Pu, son of Bao Tong), which suggests that, unlike most other memoirists, he had no documentation to work from and had to rely solely on his own notes and recall. From Zhao we get marvelous glimpses of how petty and preening life at the top was - and almost certainly remains, in a land where Politburo members are treated, except by themselves, as living gods. Moreover, following reports of a meeting between Deng and two other of the "Eight Immortal" senior party elders, Zhao gives a nod to their characterization of Deng's role as an authoritative "mother-in-law" to the Politburo Standing Committee, observing that this was an apt way of describing how the system worked. We also get detailed confirmation of how great a pack of old fools, opportunists, and ideologues were men like Li Xiannian, Bo Yibo, Li Peng, Yao Yilin, Hu Qiaomu, and Deng Liqun. Peng Zhen, the "grinning tiger," on the other hand, comes off rather well (as he does in the Tiananmen Papers, lobbying for the moderate reformer Wan Li to replace Zhao as party chief), as does Hu Qili, who was tossed overboard along with Zhao in May 1989.
Readers will want to know what Zhao, reflecting in his long political exile, ultimately thought of Deng Xiaoping, father of China's modern economy. Zhao provides a balanced appraisal of Deng, filled with gratitude at the opportunities Deng extended to him and at the same time pointing out problems of Deng's making, underscoring the fact that Deng was an economic liberal who wanted to unleash market forces in China but was NEVER a political reformer; instead, Deng was the driving force behind a host of "anti-liberal" campaigns that Chinese and Western analysts alike had attributed primarily to Chen Yun, Hu Qiaomu, and Deng Liqun and that created problems and contradictions within the reform movement. Zhao also provides a balanced, sympathetic account of his predecessor as party general secretary, Hu Yaobang, whose great-hearted impetuousness sped him to an early political demise, primarily, in Zhao's estimation, because Hu failed to take Deng's political conservatism and absolute deference to the Communist Party's political primacy more seriously and immediately.
Specialists will find this book thoroughly engrossing and the voice absolutely authentic. I'm astonished, however, that Simon and Schuster didn't see fit to help specialists and generalists out by including an index. The book does have a very useful 15 pp dramatis personae for which many, like readers of Russian novels, will be grateful. As Zhao's apology, this is a good one, and Zhao gives himself a good deal of credit for China's early advances in economic reform. He should: he was literally at the center of the storm during the seminal years of transformation and held the field against determined political foes. Many of his ideas, bloodied and battered, have been realized or remain in play, continuing to shape the debate particularly about political reform. One hopes that some day Chinese citizens will be able to freely acknowledge their debt to this their great countryman and mention him in the same breath as Deng Xiaoping, whose close colleague, idea man, sounding board, and implementing agent he was for the foundational decade.
Reading this book was the first time I have heard of Zhao Ziyang, and the first time I have read of modern China outside of the occasional news articles in Time, the Wall Street Journal, and other periodicals. Therefore, I do not know how much of Zhao's journals are actually included in this book. I say this because for someone whose life and experience mirrors that of China, this work contains no mention of World War 2, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, Sino-Indian relations, and other key episodes in modern China's history. In fact, outside of the occasional mention of Hong Kong's economy, and relations with Gorbachev, there is almost no discussion of foreign policy. There is also minimal mention of education policies, which is surprising given that the Chinese nation has emphasized educational excellence as key to national strength, economic growth, and social progress. Overall, after reading this book I came away with the feeling that Zhao's writings fell into the hands of the US State Department, or the CIA, and was then edited to remove any content critical of the West, American foreign policy, democracy, capitalism, etc... My recommendation, read this book with lots of salt.
During the Tiananmen Square protests Zhao felt that the situation was not initially as serious as it later became and advocated defusing tensions by holding a series of meetings with and speeches to the students. Hardliners disagreed and what happened next reads like something out of Shakespeare as elders circled with daggers in their sleeves.
Zhao was cast from power and spent the remainder of his life under house arrest. He was unable to speak with journalists, foreigners or former colleagues. Through it all he kept a secret journal which was smuggled out of China after his death. In it he recounts the transformation and rapid growth of the Chinese economy, Tiananmen Square and his political downfall, and his prescription for the future China. This is a rare glimpse behind China's silk curtain of power.
I read Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang immediately after reading Beijing Coma: A Novel and would recommend that other interested readers do the same.