Maclean's Magazine columnist Paul Wells ably demonstrates why he merits his status as one of the leading scribes in Canadian political writing. His stories are accessible and his prose is light, though at times the collegial tone feels a bit forced. Overall he has written a book that is a very easy read both for the dilettante and the professional. Yet, his book packs real weight. Right Side Up is full of information you will find nowhere else about Paul Martin's fall and Stephen Harper's ascension.
Wells begins his book immediately after the narrow win of the Liberals in the 2004 federal election against the new Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. Though the Liberals maintained power, they lost seats - yet Martin treated the election as a victory and did virtually nothing to change or improve his team or their message for the next election. That was because from his perspective, Martin and his team had been building for this moment since his 1990 leadership loss to Jean Chrétien. Why should anything change? It was this inertia that set Martin and the Liberals up for their mediocre 2006 election results and Martin's subsequent resignation from politics.
Those who remember the Federal election of 2004 will remember that the election was in fact a very near thing for the Liberals in spite of their eventual victory. Three weeks before the election, Harper's new Conservative Party was ahead in the polls but seemingly ran out of script. This loss of momentum allowed the Liberals to run a very effective scare campaign that gave them a surge in the last weeks of the campaign, largely by convincing soft NDP voters to vote Liberal because the thought of a Stephen Harper victory was worse than the thought of continued Liberal government.
Wells contrasts Martin's blithe smugness following his victory with the story of Stephen Harper. Harper could have easily accepted the modest gains of 2004 as a success. After all, Harper had increased his party's seats, unified the country's Conservatives, and led in the polls up until the final weeks.
Instead, Harper treated the campaign like a terrible loss. He organized a series of ruthless strategy sessions in which everything about the campaign, including his own performance, was fair game for criticism. There, with the help of his inner circle of political übernerds like Tom Flannigan and Patrick Muttart, Harper and team deconstructed their election effort. From this analysis they prepared the working plan that would become the blueprint for victory in the 2006 election.
The results from these two approaches were that the Conservative 2006 campaign has become celebrated for its effectiveness and consistency, while the Martin campaign has been exposed for its disorganization and lack of imagination.
Elsewhere in the book Wells adds some interesting what-if scenarios - which only go to show how fragile and luck-driven political success can be. He documents the point in the campaign where all the Conservative television ads - including many nasty and negative ads that were never aired but where nonetheless prepared - were sent by accident to the Sun newspapers. Through good fortune, the Sun reporters were not able to properly open their DVD, saving the Conservatives from a terrible gaffe that may have been fatal to their election hopes. Through good fate, and little else, the Conservatives were able to retrieve their ads, and continue on to electoral success.
Those of you enjoyed the Maclean's post mortem on the last election will be interested to know that this book grew out of the writing that Wells contributed to that piece. Right Side Up is a great piece of political writing and in-depth reportage that is seldom seen. I think it's the best Canadian political book of 2006, and I can't recommend it enough.
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Right Side Up: The Fall of Paul Martin and the Rise of Stephen Harper's New Conservatism Hardcover – Oct. 31 2006
by
Paul Wells
(Author)
The Fall of Paul Martin and the Rise of Stephen Harper’s New Conservatism.
Shakespeare isn’t around to write it — so we have Paul Wells!
Think of it. Two men on an opposite yet parallel trajectory. In the space of only three years, one man, a huge success as the Minister of Finance, goes from his new role as the leader of an all-powerful party with a huge majority all the way down to a retired also-ran. The other one reluctantly steps in to salvage a dying party, links it to another dying party, “unites the right,” becomes its leader, goes through trying times, and inside three years rises to become prime minister, against all odds.
It’s an amazing drama, told here in three acts. First, Paul Wells takes us through all of the events (from Martin’s assassination of Chrétien onward) that led up to the election campaign of January 2006.
The second act deals with the campaign itself, where the Harper armies conquered, with the assistance of an RCMP cavalry raid, and less-than-brilliant opposing campaigns: “We’re not allowed to make this stuff up.” Full of new, amazing inside details.
The final part answers the What now? that so many Canadians are asking about Stephen Harper’s "new conservatism." Nobody can answer that question better than Paul Wells. Witty, irreverent, opinionated, personal, and very, very funny, this book launches Wells’s career as an author.
Shakespeare isn’t around to write it — so we have Paul Wells!
Think of it. Two men on an opposite yet parallel trajectory. In the space of only three years, one man, a huge success as the Minister of Finance, goes from his new role as the leader of an all-powerful party with a huge majority all the way down to a retired also-ran. The other one reluctantly steps in to salvage a dying party, links it to another dying party, “unites the right,” becomes its leader, goes through trying times, and inside three years rises to become prime minister, against all odds.
It’s an amazing drama, told here in three acts. First, Paul Wells takes us through all of the events (from Martin’s assassination of Chrétien onward) that led up to the election campaign of January 2006.
The second act deals with the campaign itself, where the Harper armies conquered, with the assistance of an RCMP cavalry raid, and less-than-brilliant opposing campaigns: “We’re not allowed to make this stuff up.” Full of new, amazing inside details.
The final part answers the What now? that so many Canadians are asking about Stephen Harper’s "new conservatism." Nobody can answer that question better than Paul Wells. Witty, irreverent, opinionated, personal, and very, very funny, this book launches Wells’s career as an author.
Review
“Wells tells both sides of the story in his trademark style — bright, breezy, accessible, irreverent and insightful.”
— Montreal Gazette
“This is a most readable book by one of the country’s most original journalists.”
— Globe and Mail
“A feast for the politically inclined.”
— London Free Press
“Wells is lucid, funny, revealing, opinionated and sometimes wickedly snarky.”
— National Post
From the Trade Paperback edition.
— Montreal Gazette
“This is a most readable book by one of the country’s most original journalists.”
— Globe and Mail
“A feast for the politically inclined.”
— London Free Press
“Wells is lucid, funny, revealing, opinionated and sometimes wickedly snarky.”
— National Post
From the Trade Paperback edition.
About the Author
Born in Sarnia, Paul Wells has worked for the Montreal Gazette, and as a columnist for the National Post. He is now Maclean’s chief Ottawa correspondent, and a frequent panelist and speaker.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
To understand who Stephen Harper is, it helps to know who he isn’t. For starters, he’s not Strom Thurmond. Probably this shouldn’t need saying. But I keep hearing from readers who believe, or claim to believe, that racial segregation, an abortion ban, the institution of a state religion, and an aggressive program of chastity-belt distribution for all Canadian women under thirty are just over the next hill.
Before the January 23 election I became very cross with a reader who emailed me to announce that with Harper in charge it would be only a matter of time before they were teaching creationism in the schools again. And that it would be my fault, because I hadn’t done enough to stop him. Actually, what got me angriest was the hash this reader was making of constitutional law: school curriculum is a matter of provincial jurisdiction. But besides that, the reader’s note demonstrated how deaf some left-of-centre Canadians are to the differences of tone among the various strains of conservatism. Social conservatives know Harper isn’t really one of them. Legislating right moral conduct isn’t his game.
“This is the interesting story of Stephen Harper,” Pierre Poilièvre, the young Ontario Conservative MP who once worked as an assistant to Stockwell Day, told me one day. “Everyone thinks he seduced the centre. It’s actually the way he tamed the right.
“Let’s get this straight. He’s now taken the most left-wing position of any conservative party in the world on gay marriage. He’s adopted the position of European socialists that gays should have civil unions — full marital rights without the word marriage. Harper has ruled out any abortion legislation. He has basically moved the party onto an agenda that is centrist and acceptable to mainstream people.
“And he’s done it almost without a peep from the right — from the people who founded the Reform Party, who had made the bombastic and even embarrassing remarks that had come to typify the Reform era. All of those people have gone along with this swift, centrist move while making almost no sounds at all.”
Why? Why are social conservatives so willing to let Harper pursue a not-particularly-socially-conservative policy? One school of thought, of course, holds that the hard-core right wingers know that Harper is one of them. They’re just biding their time. Once he gets his majority, the masks will fall and the real Harper will become visible. This theory will certainly be a centrepiece of any Liberal leader’s campaign to block Harper from gaining seats at the next election. “Oh sure, you haven’t seen any hidden agenda…yet…”
But for my money this analysis misunderstands Harper too. First, because I don’t believe his political beliefs are wildly out of the Canadian mainstream. But second, because even if they were, he has never been interested in implementing wrenching change if it means doing lasting damage to Canadian conservatism’s electoral chances. The “penchant for incremental change” he valued in Progressive Conservatives so long ago has become an integral part of his own political philosophy.
From the Trade Paperback edition.
Before the January 23 election I became very cross with a reader who emailed me to announce that with Harper in charge it would be only a matter of time before they were teaching creationism in the schools again. And that it would be my fault, because I hadn’t done enough to stop him. Actually, what got me angriest was the hash this reader was making of constitutional law: school curriculum is a matter of provincial jurisdiction. But besides that, the reader’s note demonstrated how deaf some left-of-centre Canadians are to the differences of tone among the various strains of conservatism. Social conservatives know Harper isn’t really one of them. Legislating right moral conduct isn’t his game.
“This is the interesting story of Stephen Harper,” Pierre Poilièvre, the young Ontario Conservative MP who once worked as an assistant to Stockwell Day, told me one day. “Everyone thinks he seduced the centre. It’s actually the way he tamed the right.
“Let’s get this straight. He’s now taken the most left-wing position of any conservative party in the world on gay marriage. He’s adopted the position of European socialists that gays should have civil unions — full marital rights without the word marriage. Harper has ruled out any abortion legislation. He has basically moved the party onto an agenda that is centrist and acceptable to mainstream people.
“And he’s done it almost without a peep from the right — from the people who founded the Reform Party, who had made the bombastic and even embarrassing remarks that had come to typify the Reform era. All of those people have gone along with this swift, centrist move while making almost no sounds at all.”
Why? Why are social conservatives so willing to let Harper pursue a not-particularly-socially-conservative policy? One school of thought, of course, holds that the hard-core right wingers know that Harper is one of them. They’re just biding their time. Once he gets his majority, the masks will fall and the real Harper will become visible. This theory will certainly be a centrepiece of any Liberal leader’s campaign to block Harper from gaining seats at the next election. “Oh sure, you haven’t seen any hidden agenda…yet…”
But for my money this analysis misunderstands Harper too. First, because I don’t believe his political beliefs are wildly out of the Canadian mainstream. But second, because even if they were, he has never been interested in implementing wrenching change if it means doing lasting damage to Canadian conservatism’s electoral chances. The “penchant for incremental change” he valued in Progressive Conservatives so long ago has become an integral part of his own political philosophy.
From the Trade Paperback edition.
- Print length336 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherDouglas Gibson Books
- Publication dateOct. 31 2006
- Dimensions15.49 x 3.05 x 23.11 cm
- ISBN-100771089198
- ISBN-13978-0771089190
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Product details
- Publisher : Douglas Gibson Books; Canadian First edition (Oct. 31 2006)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0771089198
- ISBN-13 : 978-0771089190
- Item weight : 627 g
- Dimensions : 15.49 x 3.05 x 23.11 cm
- Customer Reviews:
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Reviewed in Canada on May 23, 2007
Verified Purchase
Reviewed in Canada on November 4, 2006
I thought this was a great read. For those of you who want to share in a direct observers notes of the past few years of transition you will appreciate the insight. For those of you who wish a filtered press and muzzled commentary I understand your reviews...
Reviewed in Canada on July 31, 2020
Verified Purchase
In good condition.
Reviewed in Canada on June 13, 2013
For my money, this is one of the best books I've read on Canadian politics (and I've read quite a few). I always enjoy reading Wells' columns, and I was not disappointed by this book. One reviewer took stars away because of Wells' "trademark negative sarcasm" being maintained (and becoming tiresome) throughout the entire book. This is certainly a fair point, but personally I enjoyed his barbs. His criticisms are sharp and insightful, and made this a page-turner for me. I'm anxiously awaiting the next one.
Reviewed in Canada on December 31, 2006
For those familiar with Paul Wells' articles and addicted to his blog (myself included), you will enjoy this book. His style of sharp, funny, and insightful comments has translated fairly well into book form. For anyone else, it can go either way...
There are down sides to this book: His section on "groupthink" reads too much like a rushed college essay and seems out of place. His interviews with Liberal leadership hopefuls are dry. I was also hoping for more discussion on Paul Martin the prime minister, and not just Paul Martin the election campaigner.
My biggest problem with this book: His trademark negative sarcasm gets a little tiresome around halfway through the book. This attitude is fine for a short blog posting or a one-page article, but it's harder to tolerate throughout an entire book.
Nonetheless, despite all the downs, Wells does a fair job at summarizing the change from a Liberal government to a Tory one.
Finally, please don't call Wells a liberal/left-winger. He treats both sides with equal scorn and praise when it's merited. This book is not unfairly biased.
There are down sides to this book: His section on "groupthink" reads too much like a rushed college essay and seems out of place. His interviews with Liberal leadership hopefuls are dry. I was also hoping for more discussion on Paul Martin the prime minister, and not just Paul Martin the election campaigner.
My biggest problem with this book: His trademark negative sarcasm gets a little tiresome around halfway through the book. This attitude is fine for a short blog posting or a one-page article, but it's harder to tolerate throughout an entire book.
Nonetheless, despite all the downs, Wells does a fair job at summarizing the change from a Liberal government to a Tory one.
Finally, please don't call Wells a liberal/left-winger. He treats both sides with equal scorn and praise when it's merited. This book is not unfairly biased.
Reviewed in Canada on October 28, 2006
Paul Well's excellent piece in Macleans magazine on the inside story of the 2006 election had everyone waiting for the book.
But, now that it's here, I wish he'd just stopped after the magazine article.
The book is riddled with factual errors, major and minor. Occasionally, he contradicts himself within a chapter or two. Did Ian Brodie become the Executive Director of the Conservative Party in March 2003 as Wells says at one point, or after the Harper Leadership as is implied elsewhere? Did Tom Flanagan really just step down as Chief of Staff when the Harper Leadership started?
These sorts of things are minor details, but critical to the story Wells is trying to tell. You wonder if his rush to publish meant there wasn't time for a proof-read.
The scope of this bok has big expectations but fails to meet them.
But, now that it's here, I wish he'd just stopped after the magazine article.
The book is riddled with factual errors, major and minor. Occasionally, he contradicts himself within a chapter or two. Did Ian Brodie become the Executive Director of the Conservative Party in March 2003 as Wells says at one point, or after the Harper Leadership as is implied elsewhere? Did Tom Flanagan really just step down as Chief of Staff when the Harper Leadership started?
These sorts of things are minor details, but critical to the story Wells is trying to tell. You wonder if his rush to publish meant there wasn't time for a proof-read.
The scope of this bok has big expectations but fails to meet them.
Reviewed in Canada on November 11, 2006
I considered the extensive magazine article in Macleans to be very informative and was delighted to hear that a book was coming out. I've always had a fascination for Canadian politics, but the past dozen years have been particularly interesting. Perhaps there isn't much of a market for books on politics in Canada, but I for one want to encourage more. Paul Wells is a splendid writer, and I believe he is unfailingly fair. I'm know he has his own take on everything, sometimes I agree, sometimes I don't. But I've learnt something every time I read him, and I hope he keeps writing books.
If you are interested in Canadian politics, definitely pick up a copy of this book. I enjoyed it thoroughly.
If you are interested in Canadian politics, definitely pick up a copy of this book. I enjoyed it thoroughly.
Reviewed in Canada on November 2, 2006
Mr. Wells seems long on wind, short on substance... He seems to take a personal dislike for conservatives and wraps former Prime Minister Martin into it - - if I wanted to read bias, I would read Macleans...
Top reviews from other countries
J.A. Kunzler
5.0 out of 5 stars
One of those great books out there...
Reviewed in the United States on April 21, 2008Verified Purchase
Maybe because I like Canadian politics or the drama of the good fight or Prime Minister Stephen "PMSH" Harper, but this book kept me demanding more and more - even when sitting in inclement weather. Paul Wells wrote a great first volume to the Harper Era, being fair-handed to both the Liberals and the Conservatives.
Yes, as a previous reviewer noted, Wells can be snarky to a fault but to me that's what made the book so much more LIVE (okay, I'm 26 so forgive me). I also disagree with Andromache - the spin documented herein is just part of campaigning. If you read political books, this is standard fare.
I really feel this book was even-handed and gave equal time to the decline of the Liberals and the slow rise/return of the Conservatives. If you care about this stuff - this is a keeper along with Rescuing Canada's Right.
Yes, as a previous reviewer noted, Wells can be snarky to a fault but to me that's what made the book so much more LIVE (okay, I'm 26 so forgive me). I also disagree with Andromache - the spin documented herein is just part of campaigning. If you read political books, this is standard fare.
I really feel this book was even-handed and gave equal time to the decline of the Liberals and the slow rise/return of the Conservatives. If you care about this stuff - this is a keeper along with Rescuing Canada's Right.
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